Exploring Heritage

Anthropological and Cultural Perspectives on Non-Binary and Transgender Identities ✨

This report provides a comprehensive exploration of non-binary and transgender identities through historical and anthropological lenses, with a particular focus on Native American cultures and the concept of Two-Spirit. It demonstrates that while Western societies have largely adhered to a rigid gender binary, numerous cultures across the globe have historically recognized and integrated diverse gender identities beyond male and female. The report highlights how the Western understanding of gender is a relatively recent and culturally specific construct, contrasting sharply with the often-fluid and integrated gender systems found in many Indigenous societies.

A significant portion of this analysis is dedicated to the Two-Spirit identity within Native American traditions, detailing its definition, spiritual significance, specialized social roles, and the profound impact of colonization on these revered positions. The imposition of Western gender binaries and heteronormativity led to the erasure and persecution of Two-Spirit people, a historical trauma that continues to affect Indigenous communities. However, the report also emphasizes the ongoing and powerful efforts of reclamation and revitalization within these communities, where embracing Two-Spirit identities is an act of decolonial resistance and healing. By examining diverse global examples, from the Hijras of South Asia to the Muxes of Mexico, this report affirms that gender diversity is a universal human phenomenon, deeply embedded in the tapestry of human history and culture, offering a rich lineage for non-binary and transgender individuals seeking to understand their heritage.

1. Introduction: Understanding Non-Binary and Transgender Identities

The journey to understand one’s heritage, particularly as a non-binary transgender individual, necessitates a deep dive into how gender and identity have been conceptualized across various cultures and historical periods. This report aims to provide a scholarly overview of these complex topics, drawing on anthropological insights to illuminate the rich diversity of human experience beyond conventional Western binaries.

1.1. Defining Non-Binary and Transgender

To begin, it is essential to establish clear, academically grounded definitions of the core terms. Non-binary serves as an umbrella term encompassing individuals whose gender identity exists outside of, between, or as a combination of male and female identities. 1 This can manifest as experiencing both male and female genders at different times, or as not identifying with any gender at all. 1 The increasing recognition of non-binary identities in legal, medical, and psychological frameworks reflects the growing presence and advocacy of these communities. 2

Transgender, similarly, is an umbrella term for individuals whose internal sense of gender identity or external expression differs from the gender culturally assigned to them at birth. 3 Gender identity is a person’s deeply felt internal sense of being male, female, or something else, while gender expression refers to how this identity is outwardly communicated through appearance, behavior, and other characteristics. 4 Transgender identities are diverse, including individuals who identify as men, women, genderqueer, bigender, and more. Some transgender individuals may choose social or medical transition to align their expression with their identity, while others may choose to express their gender outside traditional binaries. 3

A crucial distinction in this discussion is between gender and sex. In anthropology, sex is typically understood as grounded in perceived biological differences, such as internal and external sex organs and chromosomes. 5 Gender, conversely, refers to the culturally constructed roles, behaviors, activities, and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for different sexes. 4 This understanding highlights that gender is a learned and performed identity, not solely determined by biology, and its ideologies vary widely across cultures. 6 For instance, tasks considered “man’s work” in one society might be “woman’s work” in another. 6

Furthermore, it is vital to differentiate gender identity from sexual orientation. Gender identity pertains to one’s internal sense of self, while sexual orientation describes an individual’s enduring physical, romantic, or emotional attraction to others. Transgender people, like cisgender people, can have any sexual orientation—straight, lesbian, gay, bisexual, or asexual. 4

The very terminology used to describe gender identities, and their increasing recognition, are not static or inherent but are products of specific historical, social, and political contexts. The emergence and advocacy of non-binary and transgender communities have driven their increasing recognition in legal, medical, and psychological systems. 2 Historically, the medicalization of gender nonconformity, beginning in the early 1900s, aimed to legitimize it as innate but inadvertently reinforced a rigid binary, making gender-conforming transgender individuals invisible and further stigmatizing others. 3 This historical pathologization underscores how Western systems initially framed gender diversity as a disorder. This historical trajectory reveals that contemporary discussions about gender identity are deeply intertwined with evolving societal norms, legal frameworks, and the power dynamics inherent in defining and categorizing human experience. The shift from pathologization to broader recognition signifies a move towards a de-medicalized, human rights-based approach, though the legacy of historical stigma continues to affect individuals. 3

1.2. The Fluidity of Gender: An Anthropological Perspective

Anthropology offers a critical lens through which to examine gender, often challenging preconceived notions of what is considered “natural” or “normal”. 6 Anthropologists assert that gender ideologies are culturally created, not biologically predetermined, and exhibit vast cross-cultural variability. 6 This perspective fundamentally distinguishes between biological sex and socially constructed gender, emphasizing that gender is a set of culturally invented expectations that individuals assume, learn, and perform. 6

A common Western assumption posits that all cultures universally divide human beings into two, and only two, genders—a binary or dualistic model. 6 However, decades of anthropological research consistently demonstrate that this binary model is not universal. Many cultures across the globe have recognized, and continue to recognize, more than two genders, often incorporating third or fourth gender categories into their social structures. 4 This extensive evidence reveals that the Western gender binary is a cultural construct, rather than a universal biological truth. By examining diverse cultural systems, anthropology effectively de-centers the Western perspective, revealing the immense spectrum of human gender expression and organization. This de-centering is profoundly validating for non-binary and transgender individuals, as it frames their identities within a broader human historical and cultural context, moving beyond the narrow confines of Western normative frameworks. It underscores that their experience is not an anomaly, but rather a part of a long-standing global pattern of gender diversity that was only suppressed in certain cultural trajectories.

The study of gender within anthropology itself has undergone a significant evolution. In early ethnographic studies, gender was often conflated with kinship or family, with minimal dedicated attention to women’s experiences. 5 It was not until the 1970s and 1980s, with the emergence of feminist anthropology, that gender became a distinct and central area of theoretical and methodological interest. 5 Pioneers such as Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead were instrumental in this shift, situating ethnographic studies of gender within broader cultural and personality frameworks and challenging the universal assumption of fixed, sex-based masculine or feminine characteristics. 5 Later scholars like Marilyn Strathern and Annette Weiner further challenged androcentric biases by highlighting the cultural significance of goods produced by women, thereby bringing attention to structural inequalities, economic disparities, and global dimensions of gender politics. 5 This ongoing evolution within anthropology has culminated in a wide range of perspectives that actively challenge Western or monolithic assumptions about women and the experience of gender, affirming the inherent diversity of human gender expression. 5

Table 1: Key Definitions of Non-Binary and Transgender Identities

2. Historical and Anthropological Contexts of Gender Diversity

The understanding of gender has not been static throughout history, nor is it uniform across the world. An examination of both Western and global historical contexts reveals a fascinating evolution of gender concepts, often challenging the contemporary binary framework.

2.1. Evolution of Gender Concepts in Western Thought

In Western thought, the concept of gender has undergone significant transformations. Interestingly, earlier periods exhibited a more fluid understanding of sex and gender than the rigid binary that later dominated. For instance, in the second century AD, the Greek physician Galen observed that male and female reproductive organs were essentially “two sides of the same coin,” an idea that persisted until the Renaissance. 9 Before the 18th century and the Enlightenment, a prevailing theory suggested that men’s and women’s reproductive organs belonged to a “common sex,” implying one biological sex but two distinct gendered roles. 9

However, modern Euro-American history saw the establishment and reinforcement of a rigid binary gender system, strictly defining individuals as either male or female based on perceived biological sex characteristics. 3 Under this system, aligning one’s gender identity or expression with their assigned birth sex became the norm, leading to the stigmatization of transgender people as “the other”. 3 This societal labeling process legitimized social norms and conferred power and privilege upon the cisgender majority. 3

The medicalization of gender nonconformity further solidified this binary. Beginning in the early 1900s, this movement aimed to legitimize gender nonconformity as biologically innate, rather than a choice. 3 Yet, this approach inadvertently maintained the rigid binary construction of gender, rendering gender-conforming transgender people invisible and further stigmatizing those who did not fit neatly into either category. 3 Disturbingly, from 1968 to 2013, having a gender identity or expression incongruent with one’s assigned birth sex was viewed as sexually deviant or disordered and was listed as such in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). 3

The term transvestite itself was coined in 1910 by German physician and sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld to describe individuals who habitually and voluntarily wore clothing of the opposite sex. 9 Hirschfeld’s observations encompassed a diverse group, including heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, and asexual individuals, and he recognized that clothing was merely an outward symbol reflecting internal psychological states, finding his own coined term limiting. 9 Hirschfeld was a pivotal figure, facilitating early name changes and performing the first reported sexual reassignment surgery, indicating his understanding of a broader spectrum of gender variance beyond mere cross-dressing. 9

This historical trajectory reveals that the “naturalness” of the gender binary in Western societies is a historical construct, not an inherent truth. The shift from a more fluid understanding to a rigid binary was reinforced by cultural schemas, medicalization, and psychiatric diagnoses. 3 The criminalization of cross-dressing and the pathologization of gender nonconformity illustrate how scientific and medical institutions, often influenced by prevailing religious and social norms, were used to legitimate social norms and bestow power on the cisgender majority. 3 Even today, the “battle of sexes and genders is fought on and through the media,” indicating a continuous process of cultural construction and enforcement. 9 This historical analysis provides a critical lens to understand the origins of systemic discrimination against non-binary and transgender people in Western contexts, demonstrating that such prejudice is a learned, imposed cultural phenomenon rather than an intrinsic reaction to gender diversity.

2.2. Challenging the Binary: Global Historical Examples of Gender Diversity

Beyond the Western context, a vast array of cultures across the globe have historically recognized and integrated gender identities that defy the male/female binary. These diverse manifestations highlight that gender diversity is a widespread human phenomenon, not a modern invention or a Western anomaly.

Many Indigenous North American traditions, along with societies in Asia-Pacific, Africa, Latin America, and historical European and Middle Eastern contexts, have acknowledged and often revered third or fourth gender people. 4 These roles frequently carried specific ceremonial, social, and spiritual significance, demonstrating a deep integration into the fabric of their respective societies.

In Latin America, for example, the pre-colonial Incas recognized Qariwarmi, a nonbinary, mixed-gender role. 8 The travestis of Latin America have been considered an expression of a third gender by some anthropological studies. 7 Among the Indigenous Warao people of Venezuela, Guyana, and Suriname, individuals known as Tida wena were considered neither man nor woman. 7

Asia-Pacific cultures offer numerous prominent examples. The hijras of South Asia are a well-known third gender group, often born male or intersex, who adopt feminine appearances and hold significant religious power, performing blessings at ceremonies. 8 While often called transgender by outsiders, most hijras consider themselves a distinct third gender, not in transition. 10 In Polynesia, the fa’afafine of Samoa, fakaleiti of Tonga, and mahu of Hawaii are male-bodied individuals who exhibit feminine behaviors and are integrated into traditional society. 8 Indonesia recognizes the traditional waria role, and the Bugis culture of Sulawesi is described as having three sexes and five genders with distinct social roles. 8 In modern Japan, X-gender is a recognized non-binary identity. 8

African societies also present examples of gender diversity. These include the Chibados (shamans in the Ndongo kingdom of Angola), Mangaiko among the Mbo people in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mashoga in Swahili-speaking areas of Kenya, and Ashtime in Maale culture in Southern Ethiopia. 8 Additionally, some indigenous communities recognized “female husbands,” women who enjoyed male privileges without denying their femaleness. 8

Historically, the Old World also shows evidence of gender diversity. Ancient Egypt listed Sḫt (often translated as “eunuch”) as a third human gender. 8 Sumerian and Akkadian creation myths describe beings “with no male organ and no female organ” or a “third category among the people”. 8 Ancient Indian texts, including the Vedas and Kama Sutra, describe Tritiya-prakrti (third-nature) individuals, encompassing male-bodied, female-bodied, and intersex people. 8 Greco-Roman classical antiquity featured myths like Hermaphroditus and recognized “eunuchs” (tertium genus hominum) as a third gender. 8 Rabbinical Jewish traditions utilized six terms to describe gender identity, including variations beyond male and female. 8 Early Islamic societies recognized Mukhannathun, effeminate men often associated with music and entertainment. 8 In Europe, examples include Sworn Virgins in Albania, females who lived as men to gain privileges 8, and historical subcultures like the Mollies in 18th-century England. 8

The widespread and diverse presence of third and fourth genders across various cultures and historical periods is striking. This pervasive recognition, often accompanied by specific social, spiritual, and economic roles, directly challenges the Western notion of a gender binary as natural or universal. The fact that these identities often persisted despite external pressures, such as the British criminalization of Hijras 10, underscores their deep cultural roots and the inherent human capacity for gender diversity. This comprehensive global overview provides powerful validation for non-binary identities, demonstrating that gender diversity is not a new or isolated phenomenon but a fundamental aspect of human experience across time and cultures. It suggests that the Western binary is an anomaly in the broader human historical context, and that non-binary and transgender identities connect to a rich, diverse, and ancient lineage of gender-variant people worldwide, offering a profound sense of belonging and historical continuity.

Table 2: Global Examples of Third-Gender/Non-Binary Roles

3. Two-Spirit: Gender and Spirituality in Native American Cultures

Within the rich tapestry of Indigenous North American cultures, the concept of Two-Spirit stands as a powerful testament to diverse gender understandings that predate and often defy Western binaries.

3.1. Defining “Two-Spirit”: Origins and Contemporary Usage

Two-Spirit (often abbreviated as 2S or 2E) is a contemporary pan-Indian umbrella term used by some Indigenous North Americans to describe Native people who fulfill a traditional third-gender or other gender-variant social role within their communities. 4 It is crucial to understand that this term is not simply a synonym for being Native American and gay. Rather, it refers to individuals who traditionally combined activities, traits, and sometimes even dress of both men and women, occupying a distinct, alternative gender status. In some tribes, this status amounted to a third gender, while in others, distinct terms for male and female Two-Spirits constituted a fourth gender. 17

The term Two-Spirit itself has a specific origin. It was coined in 1990 during the Third Annual Intertribal Native American, First Nations, Gay and Lesbian American Conference held in Winnipeg. 18 This was a deliberate and strategic act by Indigenous activists and scholars to differentiate and distance Indigenous concepts of gender and sexuality from non-Native LGBTQ+ terminology and communities. 18 The prior anthropological term, berdache, derived from a Persian word meaning “boy prostitute” or “kept boy,” was widely considered offensive and pejorative. 18 The Ojibwe translation, niizh manidoowag (“two spirits”), was also constructed at this conference to honor the language of the Indigenous peoples in whose territory the gathering took place. 18

While Two-Spirit has proven to be a valuable pan-Indian term for intertribal organizing and solidarity, it is not universally accepted or used by all Native American cultures. 17 With over 500 surviving Native American cultures, attitudes about sex and gender are incredibly diverse, and most Indigenous communities possess their own specific terms and nuanced understandings for gender-variant members. 17 A point of contention is that the term’s implied “Western gender binary” (suggesting two distinct spirits—male and female—within one body) does not align with all traditional Indigenous views, which often emphasize a more fluid, integrated, or distinct gender identity rather than a combination of two separate binary components. 18 For some, Two-Spirit has evolved to serve a broader umbrella function, encompassing lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Native peoples in North America, similar to the modern reclaimed usage of “queer” or “LGBTQ”. 18

The development of Two-Spirit as a modern term, explicitly created to replace the pejorative berdache and to differentiate Indigenous identities from Western LGBTQ+ categories, represents a powerful act of decolonization. It is a reclaiming of narrative and identity from colonial impositions. 18 However, the internal critiques regarding its universality and the potential for it to “create a disconnection from, and forgetting of, the actual cultural beliefs and ceremonies” 18 highlight that decolonization is not a monolithic process. It involves ongoing internal dialogues and challenges within Indigenous communities as they navigate the complexities of reclaiming and revitalizing their diverse heritage. This means that while Two-Spirit offers a powerful framework for understanding Indigenous gender diversity, it is essential to approach it with nuance, recognizing the vast diversity of Indigenous experiences and the ongoing process of cultural reclamation. It emphasizes the importance of respecting specific tribal terms and traditions, rather than applying a single pan-Indian label universally.

3.2. Cultural Context, Significance, and Traditional Roles of Two-Spirit People

In traditional Native American societies, Two-Spirit people held profoundly significant spiritual, social, and economic roles, reflecting a holistic integration of gender diversity into societal well-being. Their identity was often believed to be the result of supernatural intervention, frequently revealed through visions or dreams, and was sanctioned by tribal mythology. 17 They were often regarded as “doubly blessed,” embodying both masculine and feminine spirits, which was thought to grant them a “double vision”—the ability to perceive the world through both male and female lenses. 19 This unique spiritual endowment often led them to serve as healers, shamans, ceremonial leaders, and visionaries, making them foundational members of their cultures. 17

Beyond their spiritual importance, Two-Spirit individuals played crucial practical roles due to their unique blend of masculine and feminine traits. They often preferred and excelled in work traditionally associated with the “opposite” sex or in activities specific to their distinct status. 17 For example, male Two-Spirits might become expert weavers (a role often associated with women) and also serve as healers (a male role), sometimes becoming among the wealthiest members of their tribe due to their combined skills. 17 Similarly, female Two-Spirits engaged in activities such as hunting and warfare, with some even becoming war leaders or chiefs. 17 Their capacity to perform both men’s and women’s work made them economically vital to their extended families and communities, ensuring a comprehensive division of labor for survival. 21 For instance, a feminine male who preferred women’s work (gathering plants or farming) would typically marry a masculine male who performed men’s work (hunting and warfare), creating an economically self-sufficient household. 21

In terms of social dynamics, Two-Spirit people occupied a distinct, alternative gender status, often considered neither men nor women in most tribes. 17 They typically formed sexual and emotional relationships with non-Two-Spirit members of their own sex, and in many traditions, they were believed to be “lucky in love” and capable of bestowing this luck on others. 17 Notably, the gender-conforming spouses of Two-Spirit people did not view themselves as “homosexual” or as anything other than “normal,” which highlights a profoundly different conceptualization of sexuality compared to Western norms. 21 Two-Spirit individuals also played important familial roles, often assisting their siblings’ children, caring for elderly relatives, and serving as adoptive parents for homeless children. 21

The consistent portrayal of the spiritual sanction, specialized economic roles, and social integration of Two-Spirit people reveals a profound difference from Western societies, where gender nonconformity has historically been pathologized or marginalized. 17 In many Indigenous cultures, gender diversity was not viewed as a deviation but as a source of strength and balance, essential for the “sacred hoop society”. 22 This demonstrates that gender diversity was not an “issue” to be managed but a respected and integrated aspect of communal life, contributing to the overall resilience and harmony of the society. This offers a powerful narrative of ancestral acceptance and value, showing that these identities, far from being a deviation, align with a tradition of unique gifts and contributions to the community.

3.3. Specific Tribal Variations and Terms

While Two-Spirit serves as a pan-Indian umbrella term, it is imperative to recognize the immense diversity of gender understandings across the over 500 surviving Native American cultures. Most Indigenous communities possess their own specific terms in their own languages for gender-variant members, and these terms often do not directly translate to “two-spirit,” carrying unique cultural meanings and roles. 17 The following examples illustrate this rich specificity:

• Nádleehi (Navajo/Diné): The term nádleehi (or nádleeh) refers to male-bodied individuals described as “effeminate male” or “half woman, half man”. 18 In traditional Diné culture, a nádleehi person is recognized at a young age by ceremonial elders and their family, often instinctively taking on what are typically female roles, clothing, and work. 23 They serve as mediators and leaders, playing a crucial role in bringing men and women together, as mentioned in the Diné origin story. 24 Historically, the birth of a nádleehi child was considered a great event and celebrated by families. 24 Notable historical nádleehi include traditional weaver and ceremonial singer Hosteen Klah, and more recently, Fred Martinez, whose story brought wider awareness to the nádleehi role. 23
• Lhamana (Zuni): In traditional Zuni culture, lhamana are biologically male individuals who take on social and ceremonial roles typically performed by women. 18 They wear a mixture of women’s and men’s clothing and often excel in traditional arts and crafts such as pottery and weaving. 25 We’wha (1849–1896) is perhaps the most famous lhamana, a renowned fiber artist and cultural ambassador who met with President Grover Cleveland in 1886. We’wha was revered for their intelligence and strength of character, performing both masculine religious and judicial functions alongside feminine domestic duties. 25
• Wíŋkte (Lakota): The term wíŋkte is a contraction of an older Lakota word, winyanktehca, meaning “wants to be like a woman”. 18 Historically, wíŋkte were male-bodied individuals who adopted feminine roles and mannerisms, and were often homosexual. 27 They were considered sacred, occupying a liminal, third-gender role, and were believed to possess prophetic gifts, often bestowing secret, powerful names upon newborns. 27 Their presence was integral to sacred ceremonies like the Sun Dance, where they had specific roles, and their power was believed to extend to the prosperity and existence of the people. 28
• He’emaneh (Cheyenne): The term he’emaneh (also hemaneh, he’emaneo) means “born male but has the heart and soul of a woman”. 18 Before colonization, he’emaneh were highly revered and respected as doctors, spiritual leaders, and matchmakers. 29 They worked alongside women, were accomplished in crafts like hide tanning and embroidery, and held exclusive leadership roles in various tribal dances, such as the Scalp Dance. 29

The detailed descriptions of Nádleehi, Lhamana, Wíŋkte, and He’emaneh reveal profoundly distinct cultural contexts, roles, and spiritual meanings. The critique that Two-Spirit can “render tribal traditions indistinct or vanish them completely” 18 is a crucial consideration. This highlights that each tribe’s understanding of gender variance is unique and deeply embedded in its specific worldview, language, and social structure. The pan-Indian term, while useful for solidarity, should not overshadow this rich, specific diversity. This emphasizes the importance of researching one’s specific tribal heritage, if known, as the nuances of their ancestral gender identity may be far more specific and complex than a general pan-Indian label. It underscores that understanding Indigenous heritage requires deep respect for individual tribal sovereignty and cultural specificity, resisting any form of homogenization that mirrors colonial erasure.

Table 3: Traditional Indigenous Terms for Gender-Variant Individuals (Selected Examples)

3.4. Broader Gender and Sexuality Dynamics in Native American Cultures

Beyond the specific concept of Two-Spirit, the broader gender and sexuality dynamics in many pre-colonial Native American cultures were fundamentally rooted in sociocentric and gynocentric ideals, presenting a stark contrast to Euro-American heteropatriarchal views.

Indigenous gender roles were often sociocentric, meaning that individuals, including men, women, and Two-Spirit people, were defined by their function within the community and were interdependent for stability. 22 This system emphasized mutual support and the idea that every living being must perform its role to maintain the harmony of the “sacred hoop”. 22 Unlike Euro-American societies, which often used gendered structures for oppression, Indigenous roles were designed to benefit the larger community. 22 Gender roles were flexible, allowing individuals to perform tasks outside their prescribed gender role when circumstances required it. 31

Many pre-colonial Native American nations were gynocratic, or woman-centric, or at least had highly egalitarian structures where women held central and significant power. 22 Gender roles were frequently complementary rather than hierarchical, with both male and female spheres being equally valued and recognized as necessary for the functioning of society. 6 For example, the Lahu of southwest China and Thailand exemplify a complementary system where male-female pairs are essential for daily tasks and leadership, reflecting a balanced interdependence. 6

A common feature was a “twinning system” of gender roles, described as a “two-sided complementary social structure”. 22 In this system, males often derived their power and status through the fair distribution of power from their “twinned partners,” the females, who in turn received their status from “spirit people”. 22 This structure underscored mutual support and balance, rather than dominance.

Creation stories in Indigenous nations, often transmitted through oral histories, frequently reinforced these gynocentric and matrilineal ideals. For instance, the Pueblo’s “Thought Woman” creation story highlights women as powerful and central to the creation of society. Thought Woman is depicted as “the necessary precondition for material creation,” and everything she creates is “fundamentally female”. 22 This concept broadens the understanding of why Native Americans placed women at the center of their social structure. Furthermore, Thought Woman, as the Supreme Spirit in many Indigenous creation stories, is “both Mother and Father to all people and to all creatures,” reflecting a fluidity in gender presentation that is mirrored in the cultural values of Indigenous nations. 22 Many tribes were also matrilineal, with property ownership and descent traced through the mother’s line. 32

These consistent patterns highlight a foundational contrast in worldviews: Indigenous balance versus Western hierarchy. The snippets reveal that many pre-colonial Native American societies operated on “sociocentric” and “gynocentric ideals” 22, emphasizing “complementary” rather than “hierarchical” gender roles. 6 Women often held central positions, power, and property. 22 This fundamentally contrasts with the “patriarchal boundaries” and “strict oppression and exploitation” characteristic of Western gender binaries. 22 The concept of the “sacred hoop society” 22, where everyone plays a vital, interdependent role, underscores a holistic worldview that naturally accommodated gender diversity as a strength. This understanding demonstrates that gender diversity was not an exception but often an integral and valued component of a balanced, interconnected societal structure, providing a powerful counter-narrative to Western patriarchal norms. It suggests that non-binary identities align with a traditional worldview that inherently valued fluidity and complementarity, offering a deep sense of belonging and ancestral validation.

4. The Impact of Colonization on Indigenous Gender Identities

The arrival of European colonizers in North America brought about a devastating transformation of Indigenous societies, profoundly impacting their traditional gender systems and the revered roles of Two-Spirit people.

4.1. Imposition of Western Gender Binaries and Heteronormativity

European colonization was not merely a territorial conquest but a cultural imposition that brought with it rigid binary gender roles, deeply rooted in Christian beliefs, which directly conflicted with Indigenous concepts of gender fluidity and diversity. 15 Colonizers actively sought to eliminate traditional non-binary roles through what anthropologist Scott Morgensen termed “gendercide,” punishing and eliminating Indigenous people who identified outside the imposed binary. 15 This “gendercide” was also motivated by European anxieties about the egalitarian status of Indigenous women and their positions of leadership, which violated European norms. 15

Forced assimilation was a major tool in this colonial agenda. Institutions such as residential schools played a critical role in imposing heteronormative roles onto Indigenous children, leading to the severe disruption and loss of Two-Spirit ways of life and culture. 19 This was part of a broader, deliberate strategy to remove Indigenous culture, language, and customs, aiming to fully assimilate Indigenous peoples into white American society. 34

The Western binary system was, in effect, a “system of oppression and repression” and a “form of institutional violence” against Two-Spirit people. 34 Colonizers negatively characterized Indigenous gender practices to justify violent and controlling acts against them. 15 This imposition led to increased homophobia and transphobia within Indigenous communities themselves, as they internalized the dominant culture’s concepts of gender and sexuality. 24 The tragic murder of nádleehi Fred Martinez, who was bullied for their feminine nature and whose death was linked to their nádleehi status, stands as a stark modern example of the enduring impact of this colonial violence. 23

The historical evidence reveals that colonization was a systemic attack on Indigenous gender systems. Terms like “gendercide” and descriptions of “inherently violent, assimilative measures” highlight that the destruction of non-binary roles was a calculated act of white supremacy and cultural domination. 15 The impact of residential schools directly links this historical violence to the erosion of traditional knowledge and the internalization of homophobia and transphobia within Indigenous communities. This provides a critical understanding of the historical roots of discrimination against gender-variant Indigenous people, reframing the challenges faced by contemporary Two-Spirit individuals not as intrinsic to Indigenous cultures, but as a direct, intergenerational consequence of colonial violence and the systematic dismantling of traditional, inclusive gender systems. This understanding empowers individuals by contextualizing historical trauma and highlighting the resilience of Indigenous identities as an act of resistance.

4.2. Erasure, Violence, and Discrimination Against Two-Spirit People

The imposition of Eurocentric, cisgender norms by colonizers led directly to the profound erosion of the valued social status and power previously held by Two-Spirit people within their communities. 21 Their traditional roles diminished significantly, and the respect accorded to them eroded due to the introduction and spread of homophobic attitudes. 19

Two-Spirit individuals were frequently forced, often under duress from government officials, Christian missionaries, or even their own communities, to conform to standard gender roles. 21 Those who could not or would not conform were sometimes compelled to go underground, hiding their identities, or tragically, resorted to suicide. 21 The imposition of Euro-American marriage laws further invalidated same-sex marriages involving Two-Spirit people, stripping them of legal recognition and social standing. 21

The traumatic legacy of colonialism continues to manifest in contemporary society. The forced integration of heteronormativity as a cultural value has resulted in disproportionately high levels of gender-based violence (GBV) against Two-Spirit people, rooted in biphobia, homophobia, transphobia, and queerphobia. 36 This can lead to exclusion from their own families and communities, despite the historical cultural significance of the Two-Spirit identity among many Indigenous groups. 36 Forced assimilation not only erased important historical knowledge but also instilled queer- and trans-phobic beliefs that continue to exclude and reject them. 36 Consequently, discriminatory beliefs persist in the social norms of many Indigenous communities today, contributing to an increased risk of violence for Two-Spirit people. 36

The historical accounts clearly detail how colonization led to the “loss of many traditions” 17, “condemnation, interference, and many times violence” 17, and the “forced integration of heteronormativity”. 36 This resulted in the “loss of a valued social status” 36, “erased important historical knowledge” 36, and “perpetuated homophobia and transphobia within Indigenous communities”. 36 The violence against Fred Martinez 24 serves as a tragic modern illustration of this enduring impact. This demonstrates a clear causal relationship: colonial imposition systematically dismantled traditional gender systems, leading to historical and ongoing trauma, violence, and discrimination within and outside Indigenous communities. This highlights that the challenges faced by Two-Spirit and Indigenous LGBTQ+ individuals today are not isolated incidents but a direct, lingering consequence of colonial policies. Understanding this historical trauma is crucial for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to support healing and decolonization efforts, and for individuals seeking to understand their heritage, it provides a crucial context for understanding contemporary struggles within their ancestral lineage.

4.3. Reclamation and Revitalization Efforts

Despite the profound and enduring impacts of colonization, there is a powerful and ongoing movement among Indigenous peoples to reclaim and revitalize Two-Spirit identities and traditions. This resurgence is a testament to the resilience of Indigenous cultures and a vital act of decolonial resistance.

Today, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Native people across North America are actively engaged in reviving the Two-Spirit role and its associated traditions. 17 This revitalization is part of a broader “red power” cultural pride movement that gained momentum in the 1960s, seeking to reassert Indigenous sovereignty and cultural self-determination. 21

Many Two-Spirit individuals are actively working to regain their power and rightful place within their communities and culture through education and healing initiatives. 19 This process has led to Two-Spirit identities being “reclaimed as Sacred,” transforming historical trauma into a source of profound strength and affirmation. 19 This involves restoring traditional teachings and knowledge that were suppressed or lost due to colonial interference. 19

Identifying as Two-Spirit is not merely a personal expression of Indigenous beliefs; it is also a powerful political identity in resistance to colonialism. 34 It represents an act of decolonization, a conscious rejection of Eurocentric notions of gender and sexuality that were forcibly imposed. 20 This reclamation is a vital step towards self-determination and cultural integrity.

However, significant challenges persist in these revitalization efforts. Overcoming learned homophobia and transphobia, which were introduced and perpetuated by colonization, remains a considerable hurdle. 18 Some contemporary Indigenous communities, still grappling with the internalized effects of colonial attitudes, may not yet be fully supportive of their gender-variant and non-heterosexual members. 18 Despite these obstacles, the determination to restore and honor Two-Spirit traditions continues to grow.

The revival of Two-Spirit roles and the active work to “regain their power and place” are explicitly linked to “decolonization” and “resistance to colonialism”. 17 This is not merely a cultural revival but a political and spiritual act of healing from historical violence and erasure. The act of “reclaiming as Sacred” transforms historical trauma into a source of strength and identity. This highlights that a personal journey of understanding one’s heritage is part of a larger, ongoing movement of Indigenous self-determination and cultural resilience. It emphasizes that embracing a non-binary identity within an Indigenous framework is an act of honoring ancestors and contributing to the healing and strength of one’s community.

5. Global Perspectives on Non-Binary and Third-Gender Identities (Beyond North America)

While the focus on Two-Spirit identities in Native American cultures is central, it is important to recognize that gender diversity is a global phenomenon, with rich historical and cultural manifestations across various continents. These examples further challenge the universality of the Western gender binary and offer diverse ways of understanding non-binary experiences.

5.1. Examples from Asia-Pacific

The Asia-Pacific region presents several prominent examples of culturally recognized non-binary and third-gender identities, each with unique social and religious contexts.

The Hijras of South Asia are one of the most recognized third gender groups, primarily found in India, Nepal, and Bangladesh. 8 Often born male or intersex, they adopt traditionally feminine dress and behaviors. 10 Many, though not all, undergo a castration ceremony as an offering to the Hindu goddess Bahuchara Mata. 10 While outsiders may label them transgender, most hijras and Indian society consider them a distinct third gender—neither male nor female, and not in a state of transition. 10

Hijras hold significant religious power, performing blessings at births and weddings, believed to confer fertility, prosperity, and long life. 10 They also possess the power to curse if disrespected, a power taken seriously by both Hindus and hijras. 10 Historically revered, their status was severely impacted by British colonization, which criminalized them in 1871 based on Christian beliefs about gender, leading to centuries of stigma and poverty. 10 Despite this, hijras persisted due to their important religious functions. More recently, India, Nepal, and Bangladesh have legally recognized third gender people, with courts affirming their rights as a human rights issue. 10

In Samoa, the Fa’afafine are male-bodied individuals who enact varying degrees and types of feminine behavior. 13 Samoan culture is characterized by a high degree of social tolerance towards fa’afafine. 12 Traditionally, their cultural role is primarily demonstrated through a preference for labor commonly undertaken by women, alongside a feminine demeanor and a preference for the company of girls and women. 13 Rather than being simply a “third gender” in the Western sense, fa’afafine are understood as existing “across” the Samoan gender binary, simultaneously embodying both masculinity and femininity. 13 Westernization and globalization have influenced their expression, with some embracing more heteronormative femininity, while others identify as both fa’afafine and masculine men. 13 Despite their customary legitimacy, fa’afafine also face a binary gender discourse that can marginalize them within families and communities, prompting collective efforts for oppositional agency. 13

Other examples include the Waria of Indonesia, a traditional third gender role 8, and in Japan, the X-gender (Xジェンダー), a transgender identity that is neither female nor male, similar to “genderqueer” or “nonbinary,” which gained popularity in the late 1990s through queer organizations. 8

The examples of Hijras and Fa’afafine demonstrate that non-binary identities are not uniform across cultures. Hijras are deeply tied to Hindu religious practices and a distinct community structure, while Fa’afafine are integrated into Samoan social and labor roles with a nuanced understanding of masculinity and femininity. The criminalization of Hijras by the British highlights how colonial imposition of Western binaries disrupted existing, integrated gender systems. 10 This shows that the meaning, social acceptance, and roles of gender-variant individuals are deeply embedded in the unique cultural, religious, and historical fabric of each society, and cannot be simply mapped onto Western categories. This reinforces that non-binary identity has diverse historical precedents, but also cautions against universalizing any single definition or experience. It encourages an appreciation for the specific cultural contexts that shape gender expression and identity, underscoring that while gender diversity is universal, its manifestations are culturally unique.

5.2. Examples from Latin America

Latin America also offers compelling examples of non-binary identities, particularly within Indigenous communities, where gender diversity has often been intertwined with cultural resilience against colonial pressures.

The Muxes of Juchitán, Oaxaca, Mexico, are a well-known Indigenous Zapotec third-gender community. 15 Typically assigned male at birth, they adopt feminine dress and roles, and are deeply integrated and respected within their community. 15 Their public presence is codified in the cultural structure, and they are considered essential for preserving Zapotec culture. 15 Muxes are often seen as “blessings from God” because they provide additional help to women in the home and in the market. 15 They primarily work in female-dominated roles such as merchants, educators, and nurses, and are instrumental in organizing and participating in traditional festivals like “Las Velas,” which contribute to the maintenance of Indigenous culture. 15 Notably, the Catholic Church in Juchitán generally supports and recognizes Muxes, a unique acceptance partly attributed to a local legend of San Vicente Ferrer. 15

The survival and flourishing of Muxes as a group outside the Western gender binary are deeply connected to Juchitán’s unique history of resistance against external control. 15 From pre-colonial times, Juchitán has consistently rebelled against both colonial and national impositions, fostering a strong unification in their Zapotec identities. 15 Spanish colonizers, upon their arrival, encountered this well-integrated third-gender group, despite their own practice of “gendercide” aimed at punishing and eliminating Indigenous people who identified outside the binary. 15 The Muxes’ continued vibrant visibility represents a significant trajectory of resistance to colonization and imperialism, demonstrating how their strong cultural foundation and activism have allowed them to flourish. 15

In the pre-colonial Inca Empire, Quariwarmi were third-gendered ritual attendants to chuqui chinchay, a jaguar deity. 8 These “men-women” shamans were vital actors in Andean ceremonies, mediating between dualistic spheres and sometimes performing rituals that required same-sex erotic practices. 8 Their transvested attire symbolized a third space, negotiating between masculine and feminine, and between the present and the past, the living and the dead. 8

The case of the Muxes is a powerful illustration of how a community’s historical resistance to colonization can directly correlate with the preservation of its diverse gender identities. Despite colonial “gendercide,” the Muxes’ deep integration into Zapotec culture, their economic roles, and their participation in festivals allowed them to resist erasure. 15 Their continued vibrant presence demonstrates that cultural strength and self-determination can serve as a bulwark against the imposition of foreign gender norms. This provides a hopeful and empowering narrative, showing that understanding and embracing one’s non-binary identity can be an act of cultural preservation and resistance against historical oppression. It emphasizes the active role that communities and individuals play in maintaining and reviving diverse gender traditions, even in the face of systemic pressures.

5.3. Other Historical and Cultural Manifestations

Beyond the specific regions highlighted, gender diversity has manifested in numerous other ways across history and cultures, reflecting diverse motivations and social functions.

In Albania, the phenomenon of Sworn Virgins (burrnesha) involves females who take an irreversible vow of chastity and wear male clothing to live as men. 8 This practice, documented as early as the 1400s, often allowed women to inherit family wealth, especially in a society where blood feuds led to many male deaths, or to gain freedoms typically unavailable to women in a strict patriarchal and patrilocal societal model. 9 This practice persisted even after legal changes granted women more rights, suggesting deep cultural roots and complex motivations beyond purely economic or legal ones. 9

In 18th-century England, the Mollies represented a subculture of effeminate males who had their own meeting places, indicating a distinct social space for gender-variant individuals within a predominantly binary society. 8

Throughout ancient civilizations, eunuchs were often interpreted as a third gender. In various ancient societies, including Egypt, Mesopotamia, Greco-Roman, and the early Islamic world, individuals who were castrated or born with ambiguous genitalia were often categorized as neither fully male nor female. 8 They frequently inhabited a liminal social space and could hold significant social, political, or religious roles, such as court attendants, administrators, or religious devotees. 8 For example, the Galli, “eunuch” devotees of the Phrygian goddess Cybele, were described by Roman writers as belonging to a third sex. 8

These examples illustrate that gender variance has manifested in numerous ways beyond Indigenous spiritual roles. Sworn Virgins highlight socio-economic pressures and agency within restrictive patriarchal systems. 9 Mollies represent subcultures challenging norms within a binary society. 8 Eunuchs, while often a result of physical alteration, demonstrate how societies created specific social categories for individuals who did not fit conventional gender roles, sometimes affording them unique power or status. 8 This shows that the reasons for, and the societal responses to, gender diversity are highly varied and context-dependent. This broadens the understanding of gender diversity beyond a single framework, revealing that it is not solely about identity as understood today, but has historically served various social, economic, religious, and political functions, reflecting the complex interplay between individual experience and societal structure. It provides a deeper appreciation for the multifaceted nature of gender in human history.

6. Conclusion: Embracing Diverse Heritages

This report has traversed a vast landscape of human history and culture to illuminate the multifaceted nature of non-binary and transgender identities. By examining anthropological and historical perspectives, particularly within Native American contexts and across global societies, several key understandings emerge.

6.1. Key Takeaways on Historical and Cultural Gender Diversity

Firstly, the analysis consistently demonstrates that gender is fundamentally a social construct, highly variable across cultures and historical periods. The rigid gender binary prevalent in Western thought is a relatively recent and culturally specific phenomenon, not a universal truth. Many societies, both ancient and modern, have recognized and integrated more than two genders, challenging the notion of a fixed, biologically determined gender system.

Secondly, a rich history of non-binary and third-gender identities exists globally. From the revered Two-Spirit people of Native North America to the Hijras of South Asia, the Muxes of Mexico, and the Fa’afafine of Samoa, these identities often held integrated and respected roles within their traditional societies. These roles frequently encompassed spiritual, social, and economic functions, contributing to the overall well-being and balance of the community.

Thirdly, the unique spiritual, social, and economic significance of Two-Spirit people in many pre-colonial Native American cultures stands out. They were often seen as “doubly blessed,” possessing unique perspectives and abilities that were vital to their communities. This contrasts sharply with the marginalization and pathologization of gender diversity that became characteristic of Western societies.

6.2. Contemporary Relevance for Non-Binary and Transgender Individuals

For non-binary and transgender individuals today, understanding this diverse heritage provides profound validation and a powerful sense of belonging. It reveals that their identities are not new or anomalous, but rather echo a long and rich lineage of gender diversity that has existed across human civilizations. This historical and anthropological context offers a counter-narrative to the often-isolating and pathologizing experiences within Western normative frameworks, affirming that gender fluidity is an inherent aspect of human experience.

Furthermore, this exploration underscores the critical importance of decolonization efforts, particularly for Indigenous LGBTQ+ individuals. The imposition of Western gender binaries and heteronormativity by colonizers led to systemic violence, erasure, and the suppression of traditional gender roles. The ongoing work of reclaiming and revitalizing ancestral identities and traditions, such as the Two-Spirit movement, is not merely a cultural revival but a vital act of decolonial resistance and healing from historical trauma. It is a testament to the enduring strength and resilience of Indigenous cultures.

In conclusion, the historical and anthropological evidence affirms the inherent fluidity and diversity of human gender expression. The resilience of gender-variant identities in the face of historical oppression, particularly the profound impact of colonization, highlights the enduring human capacity for self-determination and cultural richness. Embracing this diverse heritage is a powerful step towards shaping a more inclusive and understanding future, one that honors the full spectrum of human identity.

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